What are the key issues faced by organic producers?

In: Organic Agriculture - Sustainability, Markets and Policies.

Proceedings of an OECD Workshop held in Washington DC, United States,

23-26 September 2002

 

Els Wynen

 

Eco Landuse Systems

 

E-mail:els.wynen@elspl.com.au Website www.elspl.com.au


Note:This article was presented at the OECD workshop in Washington in September. Single copies of thearticle can be downloaded and printed for the reader’s personal research andstudy. The content list of the proceedings can be found on the OECD’s website. 


Abstract

Concerns facingorganic producers can be divided into two main groups, production andmarketing. In the early days of the organic industry, the production problemsof farmers were emphasised, and research topics were often concentrated onsoil, pests and diseases. More recently, as the industry matures andinternational trade of organic products has grown, the importance ofmarket-related issues has come to the fore. On the one hand, the need forharmonisation of standards and acceptance of equivalence for market development— which would facilitate international trade — is recognised. On the otherhand, a more serious push towards domestic consumption seems afoot, which wouldadvantage domestic farmers but disadvantage producers in exporting countries.

 

1.Introduction

The aim of this paper is to consider developments in the organic market fromthe perspective of producers. What are the key issues for producers at present,and what are they likely to be in the future? What are the expectations ofproducers regarding organic agriculture? What are the trade issues arising fromdomestic policy measures to develop organic products, including impacts ondeveloping countries?

Many organic farmers all over the world face similar technical, economicand social problems. These are identified in the following section. However,answers to these questions depend considerably on where the organic farmer islocated. The geographical location of a farmer is important because soil andclimate differences influence input requirements, yields and total farmproduction capacity. Different policy approaches are then discussed, looking atthe impact of policies on those producers for whom they are beneficial andthose organic farmers in other countries that feel the consequences of thosepolicies.

2. Concerns facing organic farmers

 

The aim of surviving or thriving as an organic farmer can beaccomplished in many ways. One component of survival is the financial viabilityof the farm. Farm returns are influenced by input use, total production,product prices and market access, that is, production and marketing issues. Asummary of issues is provided here to serve as a background for the policyissues, discussed in the next section.

Inputs

In essence, organic farmers manage soil fertility (often calledcrop nutrition by conventional farmers) and combat pest problems (includinginsects, weeds, fungi, nematodes and diseases) in a different way thanconventional farmers. Management methods may include, for example, changes ininputs (crop varieties and livestock breeds; nutrients; predators), rotations(more and different crops and livestock), and timing of activities (plantingdates and harvesting dates).

 

Thus, one area in which organic farmers encounter problems inthe production of crops and livestock is in the maintenance of soil fertilityand avoidance of pest attacks, while minimising the environmental effects oftheir actions. The exact nature of the soil, pest and environmental issues isgeographically determined. For example, in a climate where frequent smallamounts of rainfall occur, weeds are more likely to be a problem, while warmand humid conditions are more conducive to fungi or pest problems in crops andlivestock. Dealing with these may require a change in use of other inputs, suchas labour and capital.

 

It is therefore not surprising that because relatively fewfarmers use organic practices, many of the complaints by farmers are centredaround lack of knowledge about organic management methods or about inputs(where to purchase and the efficacy of the available products). In addition,inputs may be more expensive due to extra transport and handling charges forthose inputs not commonly purchased (Wynen 1992).

 

It is often assumed that more labour is needed in organic thanin conventional agriculture, but this depends on the industry and country.Higher values for labour on organic arable and mixed farms are reported in Europe, with similar or lower valuesfor dairy farms. In general, organic horticulture enterprises need considerablemore labour (Offermann and Nieberg2000). In Australia, the organic cereal-livestockindustry and dairy industry don’t show any signs of requiring more labour thanthe conventional industries (Wynen 2000; 2001). Whilehigher labour requirements may be seen as a problem by some and as an advantagein regions with high unemployment, the availability of the input, whenrequired, may be a constraint.

 

Studies on differences in capital values of land used fororganic and conventional production are more difficult to find. As land valuesare determined by expected returns, there should not be a large differencebetween the two types of farms. Organic farms may require additional capitaldue to, for example, changes in farm lay-out (fencing), storage, change inlivestock numbers and in machinery. As these investments are needed when convertingto organic farming, it is especially the farmers in transition who carry thisburden.

 

Another issue, sometimes discussed by farmers perhaps more inthe past than presently, is the moral support needed to take the step towardsorganic management while there is social pressure against adopting thetechnology (Wynen 1992).

Outputs

Nutritionaland pest constraints under organic management can result in yield decreases ascompared with conventional agriculture. However, this is by no means always thecase, especially not in areas where conventional agriculture is practisedrelatively extensively, such as in the United States, Canada and Australia (Lampkinand Padel (eds) 1994).Some studiesindicate that the difference between organic and conventional yields iswidening, but others suggest that this is not necessarily the case (Offermann and Nieberg 2000). Indeveloping countries, the availability of conventional inputs is oftenrestricted anyway, so that higher yields, if they were to be a result of thoseinputs, are not achievable. In addition, slow mineralisationof nitrogen, one of the factors that determines differences in yields between the two systems in coolclimates, is not relevant in many developing countries.[1] A growing number of success storiesin organic agriculture in developing countries are being recorded (FAO 1998;UNCTAD 2003).

Thevariability of yield and financial returns has been a topic of study indeveloped countries. Little evidence has been found that the management systemis a major factor in the degree of yield and financial variability, althoughsome studies show less variability under organic management (Lampkin and Padel (eds) 1994).

Thetendency towards mono-cropping in conventional farming is reversed on an organicfarm. That is, less financially-rewarding production may be included in therotation. This affects the total farm production, and has a negative effect onthe gross returns.

Farm returns

Fromthe producers’ point of view, net returns to farming are an important, albeitnot the sole, consideration to continue farming. These net returns are made upof gross returns for the whole farm minus input costs. The gross returns aredependent on total production (that is, yields of individual enterprises and rotationpractised on the farm), product prices, and farm subsidies.

Althoughthe level of prices influence demand for the product, it is the relative pricesof conventional and organic products that are of importance in consumerdecisions. This means that there are two prices that are of importance. One isthe retail price of the organic product, which is only in part (depending onthe product) influenced by the farm-gate price. As long as organic productionis small, the off-farm costs of marketing the product (including cost oftransport, insurance and distribution) will be high relative to those inconventional products. This extra cost will need to be recouped by the traders,resulting in high retail prices. However, in markets where traders havemonopoly powers, the retail price can also reflect, at least in part, monopolyrent.

Theother important price is the retail price of conventional products. Externalcosts of conventional farming practices (such as problems with water quality,people’s health, biodiversity) are often higher than with organic farming.[2] If these costs were borne byconventional producers instead of by taxpayers, at least some of the costswould be passed on to the consumer, thus reducing the difference between retailprices for products of the two farming methods.

Anotherway in which (farm) prices can be reduced is by subsidies for organicproduction. They are provided in some European countries. The effect may bethat the cost of production is lowered, and that the farmer can accept lowerproduct prices in order to survive. This can be passed on to the consumer.

Toobtain price premiums, organic products need to be certified as genuinelyorganic. In some countries certification is rather straightforward, as theinfrastructure is in place. In others, any certification and especially onethat is acceptable to enable international trade, can be a major problem, andrather costly.

Anotherissue is the availability of the market. Campaigns in favour of “domesticconsumption” can enlarge the market for some producers, and restrict access forothers.

So,in summary, separatemarketing can be rather expensive for several reasons, including the low volumeof product, the possibility of monopoly power in the trading sector and therequirements of a certification system. The taxing of pollution-causing inputsin conventional farming, and subsidies for organic farming can reduce thedifferences in consumer price for organically and conventionally grownproducts. Costs of certification to secure the possibility of (international)sales, possibly through international certification, can be a major problem(and very costly). An additional cost for producers in exporting countries isthat they may have to fulfil the requirements (and organic standards) ofseveral countries simultaneously. A separate problem for those countries isthat the organic movement, especially in developed countries, may be focussedon local consumption, thus making market access for exporting countries moredifficult.

Producer constraintsin developing countries

A list ofproduction constraints for developing countries closely resembles the problemsapplicable to organic farmers in general (Twarog and Vossenaar 2002):

·          technical know-how (due to few trainedprofessionals in the field);

·          lack of organic production inputs(composting materials, biopesticides, biofertilisers);

·          lack of labour;

·          little research and development(varieties and production methods);

·          conversion method, with reduced yields,may be a larger obstacle than in developed countries;

·          infrastructure problems (e.g. transport and storage) for regularagriculture makes segregation of organic production even less likely;

·          limited market information and channels;

·          lack of acceptance by existing standardsand certification, or the need to import certification expertise in order to beable to export.

A further issue of relevance to farmers who do not own theirland, possibly more frequently the case in developing countries, is investmentin soils. In organic agriculture, the emphasis is on soils, where improvementsare seen as essential for nutrient and pest prevention management. In thosecountries where farmers own their land, or where leasing arrangements are suchthat land cannot be taken away from the user easily, investment in the landbase is not a problem, as the returns are for the investor. However, where thefarmer has no land-tenure, there is no incentive for the lessee to improve soilquality. Indeed, there may be a disincentive, as improvement of land qualitymay be directly linked to the land being withdrawn from the user.

Somefurther thougths

When listing producerconstraints, it is important to realise that some issues relate to the scaleand maturity of the industry, and will be resolved as the industry grows. Thatis, these problems are not intrinsic to the organic system, even though farmersmay experience them as problems for the time being. For example, lack ofinformation about organic practices is often mentioned as a major problem toconvert to organic agriculture. Whereas this may be a problem for manyprospective organic farmers at present, if future generations on organic farmscontinue to farm organically, a lot of the knowledge will be automaticallytransferred between generations — and to non-organic neighbours. Anotherexample is the market for both inputs and outputs. There is no reason tobelieve that the markets for organic inputs, at least the physical ones, willbehave differently from those operating for conventional farmers. The costs ofprocessing and marketing organic produce should also decrease per unit ofproduct, as the number of organic farmers increases. An increase in the numberof traders could reduce the scope for monopoly rents. Finally, many of the problems that are genuinelong-term problems for organic agriculture can be alleviated by governmentpolicies. This is the topic of the next section.

3. Policies: good for some, bad for others

Justification

Some countriesrealise that there is a role for government to play in the expansion of organicagriculture. As negative externalities in conventional farming are larger thanin organic agriculture, they have decided that at least some governmentinterference favouring organic agriculture (or adjusting the balance, somewould say), is justified.

Inputs inorganic agriculture often possess more of the public goods characteristic— a justification for government involvement — than in conventionalfarming. Changes in rotation, crop and livestock mixtures, biological processesinvolving predators and parasites etc. take the place of pesticides andfertilisers — private goods for which companies are willing to do researchand advertising. Therefore, without government intervention, obtaining anddispersing knowledge about the most efficient use of many of the practices inorganic agriculture will be carried out at a sub-optimal level. Also thedevelopment of a separate market, requiring standards and certification bothfor the domestic and international market, has public good aspects, anddeserves government attention. Policy measures are therefore usually in theareas of subsidies for organic farmers, taxes for conventional farmers,research and extension, and product certification and harmonisation.

The last policymentioned in this section refers also to markets. However, it is mainly aprivate initiative to influence the market availability for domestic producers.

Level of support

Agriculture iscarried out rather intensively in many European countries, and populationdensity is such that any negative effects of such farming would perhaps be feltearliest and most intensively by inhabitants/consumers in those countries. Inaddition, Europe is a region with a culture of supportingagriculture. Hence, it is not surprising to see that in Europe arguments for special aid for organicagriculture have resulted in subsidies in many areas. Under agri-environmentalprogrammes in the European Union, direct payments to established andin-conversion farms amounted to ECU 260 million in 1996. In the same yearsubsidies were also provided for other purposes, such as research anddevelopment (ECU 15 million), advice, extension and information(ECU 15 million), regional development programmes (ECU 9-10 million),training and education (ECU 5-10 million) and marketing and processing(ECU 5-10 million) (Lampkin et al. 2000).

In the United States, direct subsidies for organic farming practicesare considerably lower. There are no federal subsidyschemes for organic agriculture per se.States administer the agri-environmentalcost-sharing programmes (such as the EnvironmentalQuality Incentives Program), for which only one state has classified organicfarmers as being eligible. However, organic farmers do make use of thetraditional commodity programmes and disaster paymentprogrammes. Although this gives them an advantage ascompared with foreign organic (and conventional) growers, it does not do socompared with the USconventional farmers. Research and education programmesfor organic agriculture attracted USD 2 million (0.11% of the USDAresearch and extension appropriations) in 1995.[3]In 2001, USD 499 000 was allocated to the Organic Transition Programfor research on conversion systems. In marketing, the USDA Market AccessProgram (MAP) contributed USD 48 520 for organic export promotion,representing approximately 0.05% of the USD 90 million spent on that programme in 2000. At present,organic farmers are exempt from a “tax” that producers withincommodity groups place upon themselves to pay for research and advertising, onthe basis that no research is conducted on organic farming.[4]

Althoughorganic growers in other countries may well receive some support in one form oranother, it will rarely be to the extent provided in Europe. Especially in developingcountries, aid is often totally lacking. In some countries, governments may aidthe industry, but compel them to pay for the cost of the service, orunder-service. In Australia, for example, the Australian Quarantine andInspection Service (AQIS), part of the Commonwealth Department of Agriculture,was instrumental in setting up standards and a compliance scheme for the exportmarket in the early 1990s. (This, by the way, does not protect the word“organic” in the domestic market.) Attendance at meetings by the differentnational organisations involved in organic agriculture and standard-setting hadto be financed by these organisations, no mean feat in a country where travelis expensive. More lately, the organic industry has been compelled to pay governmenta fee to oversee the scheme on a cost-recovery basis.[5] Costs of inspection and certification are paidfully by the producer, in addition to the cost of the AQIS export programme. In other cases, services providedmay not even cover the payments by organic farmers. An example concernsresearch funding specifically for organic agriculture. Expenditure is estimatedto be around USD 179 000 in 2000-2001, while organic farmers werelevied USD 216 000[6] for research purposes in thatyear (Wynen 2003).

Subsidies for organicgrowers

Organic farmsubsidies have a number of direct and indirect effects. First of all, theyallow farmers to sell their products cheaper than they otherwise could havedone. This will affect the number of consumers who are willing to buy theproduce, a very important aspect in building a market. At the same time, it islikely to affect the input prices into the production process, especially ofland. This is the case because there is a conversion period for organicproduction, i.e. a threshold toentry. However, the price is not likely to rise too much, as other land can— in most cases — readily be converted to organic farming. The net effect for organicfarmers is therefore an increase in income, depending on the price effect.

In countrieswhere conventional farming is subsidised, (unintended) negative effects onorganic agriculture by these general subsidies can occur. For example, due to adifference in crop mix on organic and conventional farms, EU policies (whichpay different amounts for different enterprises) can deliver higher subsidiesto conventional farms than to organic farms of the same size. This was thecase, for example, in Denmark in 1996, where the average conventional farmreceived DKK 149 000 from EU subsidies, and the organic farmDKK 124 000 (equal farm size) (Wynen 1998).Part of the extra subsidies specifically for organic farming— DKK 53 000 — compensated for the shortfall inconventional subsidies, and could therefore rightly be deducted from theorganic subsidy. Even so, compared to countries without a subsidy, this couldstill be considered a significant amount.

A second classof effects is created towards producers who do not receive subsidies. If theyhave similar costs to producers who receive subsidies, they will become lesscompetitive, and may go out of business. This was recognised in the UK, where the Soil Association called for similarpayments for organic farmers “…as UKfarmers are currently disadvantaged” (Soil Association 2002). A similar argumentis used at present in the United States— of USfarmers being disadvantaged vis-à-visEuropean farmers (Lohr 2002). However, there are manycountries in which organic producers cannot expect to ever be granted asubsidy. For those producers (often exporters from developing countries),European subsidies to organic production are a two-edged sword. On the onehand, they help develop the market into which exporters may be able to sell,and on the other hand they make the European product more competitive.

Farm subsidiesin general can lead to inefficient use of resources, in organic agriculture asin conventional agriculture. In other words, subsidies in one country, byaffecting the price level and the quantity of production (number of farmers whocan stay in business), affect farmers in other countries. This can distort thetrue picture of efficiency in resource use between organic farmers in differentcountries: bad news from an environmental perspective.

Theinternational organic movement presses for subsidies for organic agriculture,as this is its role. But these subsidies may have an indirect effect oflimiting production in non-subsidised areas. It is important to realise thatorganic farmers in those countries are equally farming according to organicpractices, and deserve as much support by those who are concerned aboutminimising the world’s use of resources in the quest for agriculturalproduction. A more appropriate approach may therefore be to target theexternalities generated in conventional farming.

Taxes on conventionalfarming methods

The marketsolution to the problem of ensuring that conventional farmers take moreresponsibilities for the externalities they cause is, in theory, reasonablystraightforward, e.g. taxing the useof fertilisers and pesticides such that producers only use the amount of inputthat causes damage equal to the taxes paid. Scandinavian countries inparticular have implemented such policies. For example, Denmark has taxed pesticides since the 1980s. Though itstarted with a modest rate of 3% in 1987, by the late 1990s this had risen to33% for herbicides and fungicides and 53% for insecticides and soil disinfectants(Schou and Streibig 1999).

If theintention of taxes is to make farmers carry the burden of the total cost of theinput, the practicalities of a tax are not quite clear. As fertilisers andpesticides have different effects on different soil types and under differentclimatic conditions, the use of the same amount of the same input does notcreate the same environmental damage. Making each farmer pay their particularcost is therefore difficult, and an assumption of average costs in costcalculations may therefore be most appropriate.

Research andextension

Lack of fundingfor organic research and extension is often pointed out, and the direction ofresearch to promote organic agriculture has also been the topic of discussion.[7] In the past, the emphasis of research has oftenbeen on farm production techniques. For example, at the International Federationof Organic Agriculture Movements’ (IFOAM) Scientific Conference in 2000, almosthalf of the papers (and three‑quarters of the posters) were presentedunder production-related headings (soil, plants, animals). Approximately 15% ofthe papers were in the market development category (including standards andcertification) and a similar figure for policies.

Very littleeffort has gone into analysing where the limited funding could best be spent toreach the goal of expanding organic agriculture (Wynenand Vanzetti 2000). One area that has been recognisedas worthy of attention for example is that of consumer education, for examplein Denmark.[8] A change in demand is expected to automaticallypull the production along.

Research intomore efficient use of inputs into organic farming will result, in the long run,in lower farm-gate prices, not in higher returns to farming. This means that,in an indirect way, fewer problems with production techniques result indecreased production costs, which are then passed on to the consumers.

Standards,certification and harmonisation

Productcertification is an essential part of the viability of organic producers, andis important in international trade. Some countries,for example in Europe, have subsidised the setting up of thesesystems. Statehelp was provided with the implementation of a nationalprotection of the word “organic”, with suitable standards and certificationschemes. The aim was to recompense the private standard setting andcertification bodies for their involvement in regulatory activities. State helpis also provided in a number of countries, both in the EU and the US, for the inspection and certification fees thatfarmers may otherwise have incurred.[9]

Despitethe organic movement’s professed interest in local consumption of organicproducts (see below), there are a number of countries where exports are andwill be of great relevance. In developing countries, export markets areessential for income generation, especially where premium prices can be securedin developed countries and less so domestically. In other cases, such as Australia, Canada and New Zealand, which have a high productionpotential and relatively low population density, domestic consumption could nottake up total production. For those countries export is essential, and thequestion, then, is how this can be accommodated?[10]

In order tofacilitate international trade, harmonisation of standards and certificationover the world is needed.[11] This should not imply exactly the samestandards for all countries. As agricultural conditions are dissimilar,flexibility in standards is required. IFOAM certainly recognises this.[12] However, for countries to be able to export toimporting countries, their standards will need to be acceptable to the importingcountry. This may mean that standards need to be adopted which are notpracticable to the exporting country. International trading rules permitcountries to determine their own standards so long as they apply them equallyto imported and domestically-produced goods. However, there is a danger thatcountries set particular standards to protect their own producers.

Thetwo countries with the largest demand for organic produce, the EU and the US, have developed an organiccertification scheme that deals not only with domestic organic certificationand marketing, but also with international trade, that is, import issues.

EUregulations regarding imports have been in place since the early 1990s and aresummarised here to provide a picture of the constraints for countries wishingto export to the EU. The EU allows three methods of import from third countries(Commins and Kung Wai2002). First of all, the EU established a “third country list, which includes countries with which the EU hasestablished equivalence. That is, products exported from those countries as“organic are accepted as such by the EU.At present, seven countries are on the list.[13] Products from other countriescan be imported if the importer submits documentation that the productsare produced and certified according to rules equivalent to those of the EU.This provision (the importerderogation) is scheduled to expire on 31 December 2005. Each consignment must have aseparate authorisation. A third method of importing from third countries is tohave an EU-approved certification body  within the exportingcountry  certify products. A recentregulation impacting on the marketing of organic products in the EU requires — for each consignment  an original “certificate of inspection for import of products from organicproduction”. This is to be produced by the approved authority or inspectionbody in the third country from where the goods are exported. It must besubmitted to and endorsed by the authority of the EU member State where theproduct is imported, after which the product will be able to enter into freecirculation within the EU.

The United States’Department of Agriculture (USDA) can accredit certifying bodies (both domesticand foreign) to certify organic produce in third countries. In addition,foreign certifying bodies can be accredited if the USDA determines  at the request of a foreigngovernment  that theaccreditation of this body by that government complies with the USDA’s requirements. A third option is that the USand a foreign government have agreed upon equivalency of standards andcertification procedures, so that imports from this country are acceptable.

For producers in many developing countries, andalso in developed exporting countries, these requirements mean that export oforganic produce may not be easy. Many developing countries do not have adomestic organisation that can carry out the required certification.Certification by international certification bodies then becomes essential,which is likely to be expensive. This may be an insurmountable problem,particularly for small-holders in developing countries. The need to comply withdifferent standards in different markets would add to the cost of productionand marketing. In addition, time delays, due to the requirement ofdocumentation of each consignment, may well inhibit exports.

Market availability

Althoughrumblings about local production and consumption have been heard for a longtime in the organic movement, they have increased in intensity over the last fewyears. The idea behind it is that local consumption would cut down on transportcosts, and therefore be better for the environment (Geier 2001).While organic organisations may campaign for consumers choosing locallyproduced food,[14] the case for reduction in resource use throughproducing goods as efficiently as possible (through specialisation of production and internationaltrade) seems forgotten or misunderstood (Vanzetti andWynen 2002). Purchases of locally-produced productsat higher prices than those which international trade allows, can accentuatenon-optimal resource use to the detriment of people  and environments  in all countries. The concept of the “whole life cycle” evaluation in terms of resourceuse is well established (Meier-Ploeger, Kjer and Simon 1996), yet the importance is rarelymentioned when the issue of local food consumption comes up. Furthermore, exports of organicgoods provide an important opportunity for many poor farmers in developingcountries.

4. Conclusions

Concerns facing organicproducers can be divided into two main groups. One is in the area of production(inputs with their effects on yield and total production) and the other ismarketing (product prices, cost of marketing and market availability). In theearly days, the production problems of farmers were emphasised, and researchtopics were often concentrated on soil, pests and diseases. More lately, asinternational trade of organic products has grown, the importance ofmarket-related issues has come to the fore.

Direct subsidies toorganic farming, to aid conversion or to compensate for more environmentallyfriendly practices, and other forms of subsidies, have been obtained in somecountries but not in most. These cause advantages for some (including producersand consumers) and disadvantages for others (producers in exporting countrieswhose competitive edge decreases). Decreases in consumer prices are essentialfor a growth in the organic market, which will partly happen through increasedproduction and maturity of the market. A further realisation is the need forharmonisation and equivalence in agriculture. Serious issues regardingnon-tariff barriers (such as time delays due to the need for documentation forimporting purposes) are raised. A push towards domestic consumption seemsafoot, which could also be seen as a non-tariff barrier: organic producers insome developed countries protecting their patch against products from exportingcountries.

Rather than dividing the organic movement throughpromoting policies that are good for some and bad for other producers, a moreuseful approach for all organic producers may be to encourage governments toinitiate polluter-pays policies. A tax on pesticide and fertiliser use is onesuch example in agriculture. Though several countries in Europehave taken this approach, far more could be done. Such policies are likely toprove beneficial to organic producers, consumers and environmentalists in allcountries.


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Wynen, E. (1992), “Conversion to Organic Agriculture in Australia:Problems and Possibilities in the Cereal-Livestock Industry”, report funded bythe Rural Industries Research and Development Corporation, National Associationfor Sustainable Agriculture, Australia. A summary can be found at: www.elspl.com.au/abstracts/CONVERSION.HTM.

Wynen, E. (1998), OrganicAgriculture in Denmark – Economic Implications of a Widespread Change,Danish Institute of Agricultural and Fisheries Economics, Report No. 99,Copenhagen, Denmark.

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Wynen, E. (2001), “The economics of organic cereal-livestock farmingin Australia revisited”, proceedings of the RIRDC Inaugural Conference onOrganic Agriculture, Sydney, Australia, 27-28 August: www.elspl.com.au/Abstracts/abstract-a17.htm.

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[1].                 FAO (1998): “Due to slow mineralization ofnitrogen under cool growing-conditions, crops on organic farms have a shortageof nitrogen early in the season. However, in countries where low soiltemperature is not a limiting growth factor, as in many developing countries,this factor should not prove significant.

[2].                 See, forexample, work carried out by Pimentel etal. (1993); FAO (1996); Redman (1996); Stolze, et al. (2000).

[3].                 See alsoLipson (1997).

[4].                 Luanne Lohr, Associate Professor Agricultural and AppliedEconomics, University of Georgia, Athens, personal communications (August 2002), and Lohr(2001).

[5].                 “The AQISorganic program will directly cost the Australian organic and biodynamicindustry A$84,500 (approx. US$46,500) for the 2002-03 financial year. This sumis divided into seven certifying bodies…and I assume is then passed onto approx1 700 clients Australia wide.” Ian Lyall, Food Program, AQIS,personal communications, August 2002.

[6].                 In general,the government tops up farmers’ research levies. If this is added to the levieson organic farmers, the total amounts to USD 360 000.

[7].                          See,for example, Krell (1998); FAO (2000); Lipson (1997); Lockeretz (2000); and Wynen and Vanzetti (2000).

[8].                 See, forexample, Wynen and Vanzetti(2000), and Lampkin et al. (1999).

[9].                 Lampkin et al.(1999).

[10].               There are countrieswhere a large part of the organic production is sold in the conventionalmarket. For example in Australia, 72% of all organicwheat is sold as organic, half of the organic milk, one-third of the beef, andonly 10% of the mutton and wool. The rest of the production of these productsis sold in the conventional market (Wynen, forthcoming). Michelsen et al. (2000) mentioned that, in the Czech Republic“…only few organic products were reported sold as organic and price premiumswere not obtained for most products”. Also, in India, alarge part of the organically-grown produce is sold on the conventional market(Jha, forthcoming).

[11].               See IFOAM(2002).

[12].               See IFOAM’s website: www.ifoam.org/standard/basics.htmlunder “Variations in Standards”.

[13].               Argentina,Australia, the Czech Republic, Israel, Hungary, New Zealand and Switzerland.

[14].               See pressrelease by the Soil Association, United Kingdom, 8 July 2002, “New Partnership Launched to PromoteLocal Food”: www.soilassociation.org/sa/saweb.nsf/d918a008fbadb58780256aae00533ff9/80256ad80055454980256bf0003f0122?OpenDocument.